Monday, August 9, 2010

ASEAN rights body has potential

Youk Chhang and John D. Ciorciari



Last October, Southeast Asian leaders launched a new ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR). The Commission has received mixed reactions in the human rights community. Some have lauded it as a step in the right direction, but many have dismissed it as toothless or damned it with faint praise. AICHR has both a duty and a viable opportunity to prove its critics wrong.



The Commission is part of a broader effort to boost ASEAN’s relevance and credibility. ASEAN has traditionally emphasized non-interference and lagged behind other regional organizations in prioritizing human rights. Its reluctance to focus on human rights has drawn Western ire and frustrated ASEAN’s attempt to plug further into the global economy. Friction inside the region has also increased due to changing norms, continuing ideological differences, and resentment of the collective price that ASEAN members must pay for individual members’ malfeasance.



In 2006, an Eminent Persons Group of senior Southeast Asian statesmen recommended setting up an ASEAN human rights mechanism to manage these challenges. A year later, leaders signed the ASEAN Charter, which directed officials to create a new body for the “promotion and protection of human rights” in the region. However, most Southeast Asian governments eyed that clause with suspicion. Many have spotty human rights records, and almost all remain acutely sensitive to perceived interference in their internal affairs. Few if any welcomed the notion of a regional body that would shine light on their own human right practices.



Consequently, the Commission they created has very limited powers. In its current form, it looks more like an effort to deflect external criticism than take it to heart. It includes representatives from the ten ASEAN countries, and they must reach decisions by consensus. That gives any recalcitrant member an effective veto on AICHR actions. The Commission lacks the powers needed to protect human rights, since it cannot solicit or respond to complaints of specific abuses from civil society. It can issue reports, but only when all of its government-appointed representatives agree on the content. It has little independent budget or bureaucratic support. Critiques of the AICHR’s structure are thus well-founded.

Still, ASEAN is not at a dead-end. The creation of the new Commission is a meaningful acknowledgement by ASEAN capitals of the importance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The best way forward for AICHR is to proceed on two parallel tracks. The first is for ASEAN and the more supportive Commissioners and governments to explore ways of building a role for AICHR in protecting human rights.



One proposal is for sympathetic governments to invite AICHR to examine and report upon sensitive situations. That idea makes good sense, provided that the governments in question agree not to censor the resulting reports. Major change will not happen overnight, but incremental change is possible. Modest advances can set the stage for meaningful reform when the Commission undergoes a planned review on its fifth birthday.



The Commission has much greater immediate promise pursuing the other half of its mandate: promoting human rights. This means a variety of things, but ASEAN has rightly identified education as a key priority. Most Southeast Asians know too little about the basic rights to which they are entitled, both under international law and in their various domestic systems. Most also know little about ASEAN, an organization that acts in their name but too often confines itself to intergovernmental affairs.



Human rights education—particularly by teaching youth as early as possible in their schooling—is a way to make ASEAN more relevant to ordinary Southeast Asian people and to contribute to the goals set out in the Association's Charter. There will inevitably be political wrangling about what subjects to include and how to discuss the many sensitive issues in regional human rights. However, there are also good places to start.



In Cambodia, the establishment of the Khmer Rouge tribunal helped create political space for educating the public about genocide and other grave human rights violations. Most young Cambodians have only begun to learn about the human rights principles that can help prevent future atrocities. The recent verdict against that tribunal’s first defendant, Duch, provides one possible starting point for teaching those principles. AICHR can usefully assist Cambodians with that educational effort, working alongside experts and civil society organizations in the region. Surely, the goal of genocide prevention is widely shared throughout Southeast Asia.



Cambodia and other Southeast Asian countries have a chance to build regional leadership and international credibility by working with AICHR on human rights education. For ASEAN, effective human rights education will enhance the Association’s public reputation and relevance. It will also convey regional interest in local futures and help build the sense of regional community to which the Association aspires.



John D. Ciorciari teaches international relations at the University of Michigan. Youk Chhang is Director of the Documentation Center of Cambodia, an NGO focused on memory, justice, and genocide education.





Independently Searching for the Truth since 1997.
MEMORY & JUSTICE

“...a society cannot know itself if it does not have an accurate memory of its own history.”

Youk Chhang, Director
Documentation Center of Cambodia
66 Sihanouk Blvd.,
Phnom Penh, Cambodia

No comments:

Post a Comment

Followers

About Me

My photo
Dara Duong was born in 1971 in Battambang province, Cambodia. His life changed forever at age four, when the Khmer Rouge took over the country in 1975. During the regime that controlled Cambodia from 1975-1979, Dara’s father, grandparents, uncle and aunt were executed, along with almost 3 million other Cambodians. Dara’s mother managed to keep him and his brothers and sisters together and survive the years of the Khmer Rouge regime. However, when the Vietnamese liberated Cambodia, she did not want to live under Communist rule. She fled with her family to a refugee camp on the Cambodian-Thai border, where they lived for more than ten years. Since arriving in the United States, Dara’s goal has been to educate people about the rich Cambodian culture that the Khmer Rouge tried to destroy and about the genocide, so that the world will not stand by and allow such atrocities to occur again. Toward that end, he has created the Cambodian Cultural Museum and Killing Fields Memorial, which began in his garage and is now in White Center, Washington. Dara’s story is one of survival against enormous odds, one of perseverance, one of courage and hope.